Religio in stagno: Nature, Divinity, and the Christianization of the Countryside in the Late Antique Italy

References

1. 124-6 (London, 1981); cf. E.R. Dodds, Pagan & Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 37, "the progressive withdrawal of divinity from the material world." For one reply to this view, see D.S. Wallace-Hadrill, The Greek Patristic View of Nature (Manchester & New York: Manchester University Press, 1968).
2. Glor. conf. 2 (MGH SRM 1). Against V. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 267, this is hardly "a good example of the sort of new uses to which a reverence for water might be put"; rather, a contemptuous rejection of such reverence.

3. 101f., 110 (Cambridge, Mass. & Oxford: Blackwell's, 1996).
4. Britain: see for Cornwall (esp.), J. Rattue, The Living Stream: Holy Wells in Historical Context (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1995), 66ff.; for Chedworth, see C. Thomas, Christianity in Roman Britain (London: Batsford, 1981), 219f.; for Wessex, B. Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages (London & New York: Leicester University Press, 1995), 156f.; for Wales, H. Pryce in Pastoral Care before the Parish, ed. J. Blair & R. Sharpe (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1992): 60f. In Gaul, the cult of St. Julian at Brioude strongly suggests the adaptation of Celtic worship of spring and severed head; cf. Greg.Tur., vita Juliani, 2-3. (The cult of St. Libaire at Grand may be similar.) For the Limousin, see Flint, Rise of Magic, 262f. Aachen: see Notker, De Carolo Magno II.15. For various views on the sacred springs of St. Michael and others in Asia Minor, see F. Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c.370-529 (Leiden: Brill, 1993), I, 149-55, II, 115-18, 130f.; S. Mitchell, Anatolia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), II, 20ff., n.70; F.W. Hasluck, Letters on Religion and Folklore [London: Luzac, 1926], 84ff. Note that, according to legend, Michael's cult reached Italy in 493, and was associated with a cave and spring, and perhaps a former oracle, on Monte Gargano; see F. Lenormant, • Travers l'Apulie et la Lucanie: Notes de Voyage (Paris: A. Levy, 1883), I, 53ff; he also noted a cave-chapel of Michael at Consilinum (II, 119). See also Gelasius I, ep.35 (ed. A. Thiel, Epp. Rom. Pont. Gen. I (Brunsberg: E. Peter, 1868).
5. Ed. Th. Mommsen, MGH AA 12; Ǻ. Fridh, CCSL 96; translation (also of 8.31, discussed below), in S. Barnish, Cassiodorus' Variae (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1992). For the site (now S.Giovanni alla Fonte), see Lenormant, • Travers l'Apulie, I, 110-20, V. Bracco, "Marcellianum e il suo Battistero," RAC 34 (1958): 193-207.

6. Or.14.65 (R448), associating them with those of Demeter and the Cabeiri; see ibid.5, for Aristophanes as also an initiate of Hecate and Poseidon.
7. Leucothea: see Eitrem, s.v. Leukothea, P-W XII (1925): c. 2293-3306; L. Farnell, "Ino-Leukothea," JHS 36 (1916): 36-44; W. Burkert, Homo Necans: the Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 132, 178f., 197, ch.3.8, Greek Religion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), 172; F. Graf, Nordionische Kulte (Rome: Inst. Suisse de Rome, 1985), 405-7; R.S. Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 62f., 67ff. On Mater Matuta, see G. Dum‚zil, Archaic Roman Religion (Baltimore & London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), I, 50-5, 256, 237ff.; Kraemer, Her Share, 61-9. Identification is noted in late antiquity by Servius on Aen. 5.241, Hyginus, Fab. 2.5, 125.17, Augustine, civ. 18.14 (CSEL 40). On Atargatis, see F. D”lger, ICHTHYS (Munster in Westfalia, 1922, 1923), I, 175-96, 190, n.2, 247, 253-9, II, 436-43; note that Atargatis was sometimes assimilated to Mary.
8. Cf. J. Bregman, Synesius of Cyrene, Philosopher-Bishop (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982), 166ff., on Synesius' hom.2, presenting baptism like a pagan mystery of purifying initiation.

9. Note Farnell's conjectural interpretation of the cauldron in her mysteries: "the `lebes' serving as a baptismal, recreative font" ("Ino-Leukothea:" 42). Fish-symbol: see esp. J. Dani‚lou, Primitive Christian Symbols (London: Burns & Oates, 1964), ch.3. Fish could also represent baptised Christians in the water of life; cf. below, n.31.
10. Dum‚zil, Archaic Roman Religion, 237ff., explains this function (questioned by Kraemer, Her Share, 63) by interpreting Matuta as originally a dawn-goddess welcoming the new-born sun; this may be significant in a baptismal context.
11. The Roman Calendar of 354 gives the 14th; the date of transfer to the 16th is unknown. Baptism at seasons (including martyrs' festivals) other than Easter and Pentecost was condemned by Pope Siricius (ep. 1.2.3, PL 13.1134f., to Bishop Himerius of Tarraco), and by Leo I (ep. 168.1, PL 54.1209f., to bishops in Campania, Samnium, and Picenum). The practice was also prohibited by Gallic councils: Mƒcon II (585), 3, Auxerre (561/605), 18. C. Smith, "Pope Damasus' Baptistery in St.Peter's Reconsidered," RAC 64 (1988): 257-86, argues for baptisms during the feast of SS. Peter & Paul at the Damasan shrine of St.Peter's miraculous spring on the Janiculum. Cassiodorus does not explicitly state that the Leucothea baptisms were held on Cyprian's day, but this is both the natural way to read the letter, and the clear implication of "who dares to violate the joys of such a time" (8); contrast L. Traube, index to variae, MGH AA 12, s.v. dies festi.
12. See M. Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of the Martyrs: the Liber Peristephanon of Prudentius (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), 118ff., on pe. 13.21-4: a confusion with St. Cyprian of Antioch. Roberts remarks the stress on Cyprian as teaching bishop; note that one reason for the papal condemnation of baptism at irregular times was the lack of opportunity to instruct catechumens.
13. Cf. A.-M. Palmer, Prudentius on the Martyrs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 229-34.
14. D”lger, ICHTHYS, II, 436-43, notes the identification of Atargatis with the Punic Tanit, including evidence from the Carthage region and Sicily. The baptistery resembles one at Naples with a mosaic of Cyprian; see Bracco, "Marcellianum:" 196, with H. Leclercq, DACL II, 2066ff., s.v. Capoue. On 4th c. links between Italy and Africa, see J.F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies & Imperial Court, A.D.364-425 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), 23-41; for the 5th to 6th cs., S. Barnish, "Pigs, Plebeians and Potentes," PBSR 55 (1987): 157-85, esp. 168ff., 180ff.

15. See C.Th. 2.8.19, interpretatio, for this empire-wide period. The Roman vindemiae fell on Sept.5th, but Campania, in C.E.387, was celebrating a vindemia on Oct.15th at the Acerusian lake (Dessau, ILS, no.4918).
16. See M. Salzman, On Roman Time: the Codex-Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 105f. Cf. Ennodius, 14.11 and 81.10 (MGH AA 7), and Venantius Fortunatus, carm. 8.7 (MGH AA 4), for the explicit association of Easter and vernal renewal; contrast Brown, Cult, 125, "a purely human time". Paulinus of Nola, carm. 27.1-63, 107ff., 148-68 (CSEL 30), gives some support to Brown, though he naturally sees the Christian calendar as divinely ordered time; but contrast D. Trout, Paulinus of Nola (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999), 184f. Hasluck, Letters, 102, suggested that St.Benedict replaced a solstice festival of Apollo-Helios at Monte Cassino by one of St.John.
17. Paulinus, carm. 19. 164-282. Caesarius of Arles (sermo 33.4, CCSL 103) noted - and, of course, condemned - the synchronisation of Christian and pagan calendars in his diocese, when his flock transferred their midsummer ablutions in holy waters to St. John the Baptist's day; cf. W. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 224f.; contrast citations above, n.17.
18. ILS 4918, above, n.16. The eight festivals recorded include a lustratio ad flumen Casilino, another ad flumen ad iter Dianae, and a profectio ad iter Averni.
19. Despite Cassiodorus' assumption, the Christianiser was probably not Marcellus, since the place is already attested as In Marcelliana in the 3rd c. Antonine Itinerary. Was Marcellus patron of the Leucothea cult? (He cannot have been Pope Marcellus I [306-8], as claimed by Bracco, "Marcellianum:" 199f.) Note Matthews, Aristocracies, 352f., on the possible sponsorship by a local landowner of a festival of Osiris at Falerii in 417.
20. See D. Trout, "Christianizing the Nolan Countryside: Animal Sacrifice at the Tomb of St.Felix," JECS 3 (1995): 281-98, "Town, Countryside and Christianization at Paulinus' Nola," in Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity, ed. R. Mathisen and

H. Sivan (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996): ch.14, and in his Paulinus, 179ff., 184f.: he argues that the animals killed in honour of St.Felix and cooked for the poor both affirmed the new value of Christian charity, and echoed pagan rural sacrifices for health and fertility. Cf., in general, Paulinus, 173-85, on Paulinus' sympathy for the life and values of the countryside.
Compare, also, the encoded farewell to Isis by the regretfully converted owner of Lullingstone villa; see C. Thomas, Christian Celts: Messages and Images (Stroud: Tempus, 1998), 47-54.
21. S. Vryonis Jr., "The Panˆgyris of the Byzantine Saint," in The Byzantine Saint, ed. S. Hackel (London: Sobornost, 1981): 196-227 (214 quoted). Note also Trout, "Christianizing:" 295f., and in "Town, Countryside:" 180f., who conjectures some resemblance between Marcellianum and Nola; and A.M. Orselli, in The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. G. Brogiolo & B. Ward-Perkins (Leiden: Brill, 1999): 186f. For such events in Roman Italy, see J. Frayn, Markets and Fairs in Roman Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), ch.8, esp. 142f., L. de Ligt, Fairs and Markets in the Roman Empire (Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, 1993), esp. 59-62, 250, and E. Gabba, "Mercati e Fiere nell'Italia Romana," SCO 24 (1975): 141-66, esp. 159-63. The Marcellianum fair is also discussed by G. Volpe, Contadini, Pastori e Mercanti nell'Apulia Tardoantica (Bari: Edipuglia, 1996), 337ff.
22. Cf. M. Humphries, "Trading gods in northern Italy," in Trade, Traders and the Ancient City, ed. H. Parkins & C. Smith (London & New York: Routledge, 1998), ch.10. Note de Ligt, Fairs, 79, 148f., on the importance of fairs in supplying the peasantry in surrounding regions.
23. Cf. Flint, Rise of Magic, 263: "Baptism, again, hardly needs the world of early European outlawed magical beliefs to account for its importance, but, in its concentration on the element of water, it was an attractive method of invoking the supernatural within this context."

24. Sermo 13A, 3 and 2 (CCSL 23); cf. also 13B, 13, 64-5. Paulinus, carm. 27.49, sacrantem cunctas recreandis gentibus undas, expresses the same sentiment more briefly. Cf. H. Maguire, Earth and Ocean: the Terrestrial World in Early Byzantine Art (University Park & London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1987), 46: "Many of the commentaries on the created world referred to the saving [baptismal] power of the waters."
25. Sermo 146.7 (CCSL 24B).
26. Zeno, tr. 1.32, 1.55, and 2.28 (CCSL 22); Paulinus, ep. 32.5 (CSEL 29): "The Holy Spirit descends on it from heaven, and mates its sacred liquid with a heavenly stream. The water becomes pregnant with God, and begets from seed eternal a holy offspring in its fostering fount" (tr. P.G. Walsh). Cf. Basil of Caesarea on the spring that flowed from the tomb of St.Julitta: "So the martyr has become, as it were, our mother, suckling with a sort of communal milk those who live in the city" (hom. 334.22, PG 31.241B, tr. P. Rousseau). For the Syriac tradition, see S.A. Harvey, Asceticism and Society in Crisis (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 111.
27. The miracle also had a very practical advantage: it reduced the stooping of officiants to take up the baptismal water; cf. S. Corbett on a late 6th c. baptistery, in M. Ballance et al., Byzantine Emporio (Oxford: British School of Archaeology at Athens, 1985): 24f.
28. Paulinus of Nola's account of the last of these (carm. 27. 518-25) may be verbally echoed by Cassiodorus, for whom the spring of Leucothea is Lucania's Jordan: with Paulinus' adstrictas alte cumulaverat undas, cf. Cassiodorus' in altum unda prosiliens aquas suas... in altitudinem cumulumque transmittit (8.33.7).

29. Greg.Tur., glor.conf.68, glor.mart.23-5; Paschasius in Leo, PL 54.606ff; Moschus, pratum spirituale 214-15. (Glor.mart. 23 may echo var. 8.33.7.) Flint, Rise of Magic, 268, notes that the water of Osset "retained its power over fertility."
30. Cf. above, n.10; Maguire, Earth & Ocean, 29f., 40; R. Milburn, Early Christian Art and Architecture (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 117, 164.
31. 1.32. Note that he shows no awareness of the significance of Leucothea's myth and cult: the spring was named after her "from the clarity and great brightness of the water."
32. Reg.ep. 11.56 (MGH Epp. 2), which urges that, at martyrs' festivals, the congregation "should construct tabernacles for themselves from tree branches, around those same churches which have been converted from temples, and celebrate the solemnity by religious feasting." There are, though, no verbal echoes of var. 8.33. Alexander Murray has remarked "The entire history of medieval religion is a commentary on Gregory's letter." ("Missionaries and Magic in Dark-Age Europe," reprinted from P & P 139 [1992], in Debating the Middle Ages: Issues and Readings, ed. L.K. Little & B. Rosenwein [Oxford: Blackwell's, 1998], ch.6, p.96.
33. Three: Christ's baptism revealed the Trinity. Note R. Hillier, Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: a Baptismal Commentary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993),

42ff., on the baptismal significance which Arator gives to three and its multiples. Thirtythree: see inst. 2, praef.1 (ed. Mynors, OCT; L.W. Jones' tr. quoted).
34. E.ps. 6.1, 8.concl., prae. to 70-150, 89.10 and concl., 118.prae., 119.prae., 126.prae. (CCSL 97-8); cf. Aug., en.in ps., 6.1, 89.10 (CCSL 38-9).
35. The usual octagonal design of baptisteries represents the ogdoad, symbolising the days of the old and new Creation; see Milburn, Early Christian Art, 206. Eight could also symbolise the Beatitudes, the eight in the Ark, David (eighth son of Jesse), the day of Jewish circumcision, and the day of Christ's resurrection (e.ps. 6.1, 8.concl.). For the Christ-symbolism of the 7th step in a baptistery, see Isidore, et. 15.4.10 (ed. Lindsay, OCT). See also R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: a Study in Early Syriac Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 134. The Leucothea baptistery is not octagonal; see Bracco, "Marcellianum:" 196ff.
36. With the praise of mountain streams (5), cf. ps. 103/4.10, 13.
37. Cf., esp., the preambles to Valentinian III's 3rd, and Majorian's 7th novels (a.439 and 458).
38. The conceit is probably a deliberate reversal of Claudian, de VI cons. Hon. 514 (MGH AA 10), on the similar quality of the spring of Clitumnus: humanos properant imitari flumina mores. (Lines 508ff. are verbally echoed in var. 8.32.2-3.)

39. Var. 9.24.8. It is tempting to see the spring as another pagan, or formerly pagan, site; but, although a number of springs were called Arethusa, cult of that nymph seems to have been infrequent, certainly not comparable to Leucothea's; cf. Wagner, P-W II (1896), 679ff. But it may be relevant, if only to Cassiodorus' treatment, that Fulgentius etymologised and allegorised Alpheus and Arethusa to represent truth and justice (mitologiae, 3.12).
40. For the erotic associations of water and bathing in earlier classical literature, see J. Griffin, Latin Poets and Roman Life (London: Duckworth, 1985), ch.5.
41. Cf. Maguire, Earth & Ocean, 48ff., on theological and iconographic "comparisons between human and divine creativity."
42. Cassiodorus' letters to Boethius on music and arithmetic carry a similar message; see var. 1.10, 2.40; with 1.10, cf. e.ps. 89.concl.
43. Cf. M. Beagon, Roman Nature: the Thought of Pliny the Elder (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), ch.1; J. Leopold, "Consolando per Edicta: Cassiodorus, Variae, 4, 50 and Imperial Consolations for Natural Catastrophes," Latomus 45 (1986): 816-36, esp. 830ff. For Boethius, see G. O'Daly, The Poetry of Boethius (London: Duckworth's, 1991), 8ff., 24f., 144, 180.
2.39 owes much to Claudian (probably a pagan) on Aponum (carm.min. 26), in which the poet leaves it unclear whether the wonders of the springs are to be ascribed to the intelligence of nature (33), or to God the pater rerum (83).
44. See J. Pelikan, Christianity and Classical Culture: the Metamorphosis of Natural Theology in the Christian Encounter with Hellenism (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1993), esp. 30f., 90-3, 96f., 106, 141-51, 255-62; cf. Maguire, Earth & Ocean, 18f., 54.

45. C.ph. 2, m.8, 4, m.6 (CCSL 94); cf. O'Daly, Poetry of Boethius, 146-53, 169, 171. In var. 11.40.2, pietas est quae regit et caelos, Cassiodorus probably echoes 2, m.8, 29f., amor quo caelum regitur. In general, though, views of nature and natural law in the variae are somewhat ambivalent; cf. M. Reydellet, La Royaut‚ dans la Literature Latine de Sidoine Apollinaire … Isidore de S‚ville (Rome: �cole Fran‡aise de Rome, 1981), 193f., Leopold, "Consolando per Edicta": 828-32. Note W.S. Thurman, "A Juridical and Theological Concept of Nature in the Sixth Century A.D.," Byzantinoslavica 32 (1971): 77-85, on Justinian's view of nature as a dangerous source of confusion and innovation.
46. 2.39.11: corda illa... montium in vicem secretarii negotia contentiosa discingunt... loquitur illic tacita natura, dum iudicat, et sententiam quodam modo dicit... 8.33.7: erigitur brutum elementum sponte sua... eis credas audiendi studium minime defuisse. Arethusa, too, responds to human noises like an awakened animal (8.32.3.). This seems more than purely literary personification; cf. below, and n.49. Note the continued depiction in Christian art of river gods or nymphs (the Jordan in the Ravenna baptisteries, in 5th c. Hosios David at Salonica, and in 11th c. Hosios Loukas; also the spring of Nahor in the 5th-6th c. Vienna Genesis MS).
47. See Brown, Rise of Western Christendom, 108ff.; G. de Nie, "The spring, the seed and the tree: Gregory of Tours on the wonders of nature," JMH 11 (1985): 89-135. For Gregory, though, such wonders, unlike those in Cassiodorus, respond without life of their own to the virtues of the saints.
48. See C. Stancliffe, St.Martin and his Hagiographer: History and Miracle in Sulpicius Severus (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), ch.16 (p.219 quoted), R.A. Markus, Signs and Meanings: World and Text in Ancient Christianity (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1996), ch.5, esp.125-30. Against Flint, Rise of Magic, 268, such springs as Osset should not be seen as behaving "in a manner wholly unnatural and clearly magical;" rather as interpreted by this understanding of what is natural. "Magic is in effect a branch of physics." (Markus, Signs, 128).
49. In both 8.32 and 8.33, Cassiodorus may have had in mind Aug., conf. 10.6.9, where the created order responds loudly to human interrogation, proclaiming its maker. On this passage and concept in Augustine, see Markus, Signs, 26ff., 68ff.

50. Five may also represent the five books of Mosaic law, and the five ages before the coming of Christ; cf. Cassiod., e.ps. 5.concl., inst. 2.4.8; Aug., de catech. rudibus, 6, 39 (CCSL 46).
51. E.ps. 126; cf. also 119.prae., and above, nn.33-4. Chromatius of Aquileia, sermo 41 (CCSL 9A), depicts the Beatitudes as eight gradus to Heaven; cf. Leo I, sermo 95.2 (CCSL 138A).
52. E.ps. 76.17. There is, however, some difference: Cassiodorus argues that water is being used simply per figuram parabolen, "since it could not happen that an irrational element should acknowledge and fear so great a display of wonders." The water of 8.33.7, though irrational, gives a spontaneous show of religious devotion.
53. E.ps. 17.16.
54. E.ps. 8.9; Cassiodorus takes a more positive view of them than does Augustine in his en.in ps. Fish-ponds are something of a topos in the variae; cf. 9.6.4, 12.15.4; also inst. 1.29.1.
55. See S.J.B. Barnish, introduction to Cassiodorus' Variae, xxivf.

56. Similarly, Chromatius of Aquileia, preaching [c.400] during an "assembly of the people and a market," used it as an exemplum for his sermo 41.1: Solent enim saecularia esse spiritalibus exempla, et terrestria imaginem praebere caelestibus... Magis autem necesse est lucrum caeleste captari, ubi terrestre commodum non neglegitur. Cf. sermo 4.3.
57. I/III kings, 1.40: et populus canentium tibiis et laetantium gaudio magno; II/IV kings, 11.14: omnemque populum terrae laetantem et canentem tubis. Tabernacles: cf. Greg.Mag., reg.ep. 11.50, cited above, n.33.
58. There is a marked contrast with the hostility shown by eastern churchmen to the worldly commerce of the panˆgyreis; cf. Vryonis, in The Byzantine Saint: 210ff.
59. See J. Vogt, Ancient Slavery and the Ideal of Man (Oxford: Blackwell's, 1974), 165; he quotes Ephraem Syrus, but the sentiment reflects a Christian commonplace; cf. T. Wiedemann, Greek and Roman Slavery (London: Routledge, 1981), 244ff., P. Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 183ff., 200-4, 233ff. On temporary servitude, cf. C.Th. 3.3, const. Sirm. 16, Valentinian III, novel 33, edictum Theoderici 94, H. Chadwick, "New Letters of St.Augustine," JThS 34 (1983): 425-52, 432, n.8, C. Whittaker, "Circe's Pigs: from Slavery to Serfdom in the Later Roman World," Slavery & Abolition 8.1 (1987): 88-122, 98f. Note also ed.Theod. 142, permitting the transfer of rustic mancipia and originarii to urban service.
60. See A. de Vog�‚, The Life of Saint Benedict (Petersham, Mass.: St.Bede's Publications), 65 and n.3, commenting on Greg.Mag., dial. 2.8-11.

61. Cf. Maguire, Earth & Ocean, 54f., ch.7, on the layered political and theological meanings in the Christian iconography of the time.
62. San Vincenzo: see R. Hodges (ed.), San Vincenzo al Volturno 2 (London: British School at Rome, 1995); S. Barnish, ibid.: ch.10, gives literary and archaeological references and parallels; see also Volpe, Contadini, 37-49. San Giusto: see G. Volpe (ed.), San Giusto: la villa, le ecclesiae (Bari: Edipuglia, 1998); he is inclined (326-38) to interpret the 5th c. ecclesiastical development of the complex as the seat of an estate bishopric. Note, also, J. Reynolds, in N. Christie (ed.), Three South Etrurian Churches (London: British School at Rome, 1991): 306f. (Santa Rufina), and A. Ruga, "La Chiesa di S.Maria di Zaropotamo (Catanzaro) tra VI e XII secolo," Mélanges de l’École français de Roma (Moyen Âge) 110.1 (1998): 378-96. Note the function of Paulinus' development of Nola, to draw in peasant-pilgrims from far afield.
63. Note that the diocese of Consilinum adopted the name of the fair-ground of Marcellianum; see L. Duchesne, "Les évêchés d'Italie et l'Invasion Lombarde," Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire 23 (1903): 83-116, 108. However, I cannot agree with L. Cracco Ruggini, Economia e Società nell'Italia Annonaria (Milan: Guiffre, 1961), 305ff., Gabba, "Mercati," 159-63, and C. Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 110f., that such fairs necessarily imply urban stagnation and ruralisation; cf. de Ligt, Fairs, 61f., 86f., 95.
64. On the ambivalent classical view of rustic versus urban mores, see A. Wallace-Hadrill in City and Country in the Ancient World, ed. J. Rich & A. Wallace-Hadrill (London: Routledge, 1991): 244-9; S. Braund in Satire and Society in Ancient Rome, ed. S. Braund (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1989): 23-48; Trout, "Town, Countryside:" 175f.; O'Daly, Poetry of Boethius, 179-88. Note Ennodius 240.15 (v.Antonii) on the worldly greed of farmers in the locus amoenus of the Valtellina, repugnant to a wandering ascetic; also Cassiod., inst. 1.32, on the thefts and rustic paganism of Vivarium's tenants; cf., also, var. 2.13.1, 6.9.2, 8.31.4, 32.4, 12.5.4. In 12.11.2, an idealising passage, Cassiodorus ascribes to Rome's citizens the virtues conventionally attributed to rustics.
Compare Pliny's attitude to the simplicity of the inscriptions at the locus amoenus shrine of the Clitumnus spring: plura laudabis, non nulla ridebis; quamquam tu vero, quae tua humanitas, nulla ridebis. (ep. 8.8.7)
65. Cf. e.ps. 30.21: "We have often remarked that by tabernacle is signified the Catholic Church, which endures struggles in this world and is often signified by the title of a `dwelling on the march'" (tr. P.G. Walsh). For a highly Augustinian view (cf., esp., civ. 19.17) of the earthly and heavenly cities, see him on ps.121: he there supplements Augustine's own interpretation in the en.in ps. with ideas from the civ. Cf., also, e.ps. 64.1ff., 86.concl., 124.1-2, 126.1, 133.concl.
P. Cramer, Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, c.200-c.1150 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 267-90, argues that the baptisteries which became focal points of many north Italian and Proven‡al cities did so as images of ideal harmony and civilt….
66. On these, see R.A. Markus, Gregory the Great and his World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 64-7.
67. Inst. 1.32.
68. Cf. Stancliffe, St.Martin, 212, 219; note D. Wallace-Hadrill, Greek Patristic View of Nature, 94, and, in general, ch.5: "Nature... has an importance beyond itself... Nature, as God's handiwork, is sacramental." And cf. Markus, Signs, 132, 141ff., on the relation between the magical and sacramental in Augustine's thought.

69. Cf. Maguire, Earth & Ocean, esp. ch.3, 8ff., 53ff., 81ff.